Philadelphia 20th April 1776
Dear Sir,
Having done myself the pleasure of writing to you by General Lee I must now refer you to that letter, and at present invite your attention to the most important concerns of our approaching convention. Ages yet unborn, and millions existing at present, must rue or bless that Assembley, on which their happiness or misery will so eminintly depend. Virginia has hitherto taken the lead in great affairs, and many now look to her with anxious expectation, hoping that the spirit, wisdom, and energy of her councils, will rouse America from the fatal lethargy into which the feebleness, folly, and interested views of the Proprietary governments, with the aid of Tory machinations, have thrown her most unhappily. The 12 years of experience we have had of the perfidy and despotic intentions of the British
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Court is still further demonstrated by the King’s speech, by the express declaration of every Ministerial Man in both houses in Parliament, by their infamous retrospective robbery Act, and by the intercepted letter from the Secretary of State to Governor Eden. All join in proving the design of the British Court to subdue at every event, and to enslave America after having destroyed its best Members. The act of Parliament has to every legal intent and purpose dissolved our government, uncommissioned every magistrate, and placed us in the high road to Anarchy. In Virginia we have certainly no Magistrate lawfully qualified to hang a murderer, or any other villain offending ever so atrociously against the state. We cannot be Rebels excluded from the King’s protection and Magistrates acting under his authority at the same time. This proves the indispensable necessity of our taking up government immediately, for the preservation of Society, to effect the purpose of applying with vigor the strength of the country to its present critical state; and above all to set an example which N. Carolina, Maryland, Pennsylvania, and N. York will most assuredly, in my opinion, follow; and which will effectually remove the baneful influence of Propriety interests from the councils of America. When this is done, give peremptory instructions to your Delegates to take every effectual step to secure America from the despotic aims of the British Court by Treaties of alliance with foreign States, or by any means that shall be thought most conducive to that end. A slight attention to the late proceedings of many European Courts will sufficiently evince the spirit of partition, and the assumed right of disposing of men & Countries like live stock on a farm, that distinguishes this corrupt age. St. Domingo, Louisiana, Corsica, & Poland indisputably prove this. Now Sir, I leave it with you to judge, whether, whilst we are hesitating about form-
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ing alliance, Great Britain may not, and probably will not, seal our ruin by signing a Treaty of partition with two or three ambitious powers that may aid in conquering us — Upon principles of interest and revenge they surely will. When G. B. finds she cannot conquer us alone, and that the whole must be lost, will she not rather choose a part than have none? Certainly she will, and to gain the necessary aid give up a part, and thus involve us unaided, unassisted, in a very unequal and destructive contest with three or 4 of the greatest states in Europe. Nothing in this world is more certain than that the present Court of London would rather rule despotically a single rod of earth, than govern the world under legal limitations. All this danger however may be prevented by a timely alliance with proper and willing powers in Europe — Indeed we are a singular instances in modern times of a people engaged in war with a powerful Nation, without taking steps to secure the friendship or even neutrality, of foreign states — leaving to our enemies the full opportunity of engaging all. And we know with certainty that every maritime state in Europe has been interceded with not to supply us with military stores, and many states have been applied to for troops to destroy us, as Russia, Hesse, Hanover and Holland. Is it not the most dreadful infatuation in us to remain quiet in this way and not stir until it is too late? But no state in Europe will either Treat or Trade with us so long as we consider ourselves Subjects of G. B. Honor, dignity, and the customs of states forbid them until we take rank as an independant people. The war cannot long be prosecuted without Trade, nor can Taxes be paid until we are enabled to sell our produce, which cannot be the case without the help of foreign ships, whilst our enemy’s navy is so superior to ours. A contraband sloop or so may come from foreign parts, but no authorised, and consequently
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sufficiently extensive Trade will be carried on with us whilst we remain in our present undefined unmeaning condition. Our clearest interest therefore, our very existance as freemen, requires that we take decisive steps now, whilst we may, for the security of America. It is most fortunate for us that the present quit-rent revenue, with the impost on Tobo & Tonnage will do more than defray all our expences of Civil government without fresh Taxes on the people, and the unappropriated lands will pay the expences of the war.
The inclosed pamphlet on Government is the production of our friend John Adams. It is sensible and shows the virtue of the man, at the same time that it proves the business of framing government not to be so difficult a thing as most people imagine. The small scheme printed in hand bill I had written before I saw this work of Mr. Adams, and he agrees that the Council of State had better be a distinct body from the Upper house of Assembly, meaning the upper house; their duration indeed may be too long, but it should be for a longer term than the lower house, in order to answer the purpose of an independant middle power. The sheriffs had better I think be appointed as now in Virginia, or by choice of the free holders in each county.
The recommendation of congress about taking Government is, as you see, of old date, and therefore it is said during the continuance of the present disputes. But it matters not much, for the Government taken up ought to be the best, whether it be for this, that, or another term of years. This I take to be the time and thing meant by Shakespeare when he says,
“There is a Tide in the Affairs of Men
Which taken at the Floods leads on to Fortune —
That omitted, we are ever after bound in Shallows,” &c.
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Let us therefore, quitting every other consideration, heartily unite in leading our countrymen to embrace the present flowing tide, which promises fair to waft us into the harbor of safety, happiness, liberty and virtue.
Perhaps some may endeavor to injure you on account of your concurrence in opinion with Mr. Glyn and others, relative to the right derived to the company of Wharton and others from their Indian grant of lands within the colony; but as I consider it meant only to say, that unappropriated lands had better be purchased from the Indians or prime occupants, not denying the propriety of paying dues accustomed to the colony in which such lands lie, and complying with its laws: the objection against such an opinion loses its force.
I am well pleased to hear that you are going into Convention, and I hope your powers will be fully exerted in securing the peace and happiness of our country, by the adoption of a wise and free government. I shall be impatient to know your thoughts on these great subjects, and hope you will inform me as early as possible.
Excuse the length of this letter, And believe me sincerely Yours,.
His Excellency Patrick Henry.
