On the eve of World War I, living conditions for African Americans in the South were oppressive. Segregation and discrimination dominated nearly every aspect of their lives. Jim Crow laws and outright intimidation dictated where they went to school, where they sat on public transportation, where they lived, and whether they could assert their right to vote. In Virginia, their political status was clearly impacted by the, which included a provision and an “understanding” clause—additional layers of screening for citizens who would otherwise qualify to vote. Under these provisions, local registrars were given the authority to charge a fee (a tax) to voters, as well as to ask random questions of potential voters in order to determine their qualification to vote. African Americans rarely passed these “tests,” and therefore were not allowed to register. The Virginia Constitution, consequently, dramatically reduced the number of African Americans who qualified to vote and essentially removed them from the political process.
Other statutes in the state further reinforced the lower status of African Americans. Virginia state law required the separation of riders in railroad cars, on steamboats, and in streetcars. It also barred black and white children from attending the same schools and authorized the creation of “segregation districts” in cities. Under this law city councils were to prepare maps showing the boundaries of the segregated areas and detailing the numbers of white or black persons living within each segregation district. African Americans were not to move into white districts and whites were not to move into African American districts.
In the years leading up to the Great Migration, two-thirds of African Americans in the South lived in rural areas, working in lumber camps, as farm laborers, or as sharecroppers who rented land on which they grew crops to make a living. While cotton was the primary crop in most southern states, it did not dominate in Virginia, which was more agriculturally diversified through the cultivation of, wheat, and vegetables. This work provided a meager existence for most black laborers, who were fortunate when they earned enough merely to cover expenses for the year. But employment options were limited since access to the better-paying industrial jobs was not available to them.
The threat of violence also hung over their lives. African Americans were expected to accept their status at the bottom rungs of the social and economic ladder humbly and deferentially. Challenges to the system could result in serious consequences ranging from threats to physical beatings to death as a way of reminding African Americans of their “place.”—an almost ritualized act of torture and murder—was widespread throughout the South between 1890 and 1930. The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People recorded more than 2,000 lynchings during this period. Virginia had a relatively lower number of these occurrences than did other southern states, but they did take place. Two men, for example, were lynched in 1917 and one in 1918. These incidents stood as a powerful warning to African Americans across the state of the possible consequences of defying their unequal status. This reminder was reinforced through numerous additional non-fatal, but highly intimidating actions directed toward African Americans. For example, in July 1910, black Norfolk citizens who were celebrating the victory of African American boxer Jack Johnson over his white opponent Jim Jeffries were pulled from streetcars and beaten for “being insolent.” This combination of physical intimidation, social control, and economic restriction left African Americans struggling to carve out a productive and relatively safe place for themselves within southern society.
Urban and Northern Realities
At the start of World War I, large numbers of African Americans made the decision to leave the South and to take advantage of new opportunities in the North. It is estimated that between 1910 and 1920 more than four hundred thousand people left, and that between 1920 and 1930 at least another half million people relocated north. A majority of these migrants were residents of Deep South states such as Mississippi, Alabama, Arkansas, and Louisiana, where living conditions were particularly harsh. Floods, boll weevil attacks on cotton, lynchings, and segregation were among factors pushing them to leave. These migrants traveled either by boat up the Mississippi River or used the Illinois Central Railroad to go to Saint Louis, Missouri; Milwaukee, Wisconsin; and Chicago. Residents of Georgia, Tennessee, Kentucky, andwho made the decision to leave used the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, the Southern Railway, or boats on the Ohio River for transport to Gary, Indiana; Cincinnati and Cleveland, Ohio; Pittsburgh; and Detroit, Michigan.
Residents of the Atlantic seaboard migrating from Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, Virginia, or Maryland also had several options. They could travel by boat using the ports of Savannah, Georgia; Charleston, South Carolina; Norfolk, Virginia; or Baltimore, Maryland; to go to Philadelphia,; New York; Newark, New Jersey; or Boston, Massachusetts. The Old Dominion Line ran boats twice a week from Virginia to New York, and in the 1920s a family of four could make this trip for about $25. This was not inexpensive, but a family’s commitment to saving for such an important purpose made the trip achievable. They also had the option to travel on the Atlantic Coast or the Southern railroads to Washington, D.C., where they could transfer to the Pennsylvania Railroad, whose lines ran north toward New York or west toward Pittsburgh. Train fare from Virginia to New York was about $7.50. During this twenty-year period, more than two hundred thousand African Americans from Virginia left the state.
The pathway north was not usually a straight journey from southern rural locations to northern cities. Migrants made several stops along the way, often during the course of several months, before they reached their final destination. Most often the first move in this process of “step migration” was to towns and cities within their home state, particularly to places where job opportunities were expanding because of the war. In Virginia, Richmond and Norfolk experienced significant increases in African American residents during this period. Richmond’s population grew by 12 percent and Norfolk’s by more than 70 percent. Richmond was home to one of the largest locomotive plants in the world, a major flour mill, significant tobacco operations, and important iron manufacturing companies. Early in the war Norfolk was selected as one of the key embarkation points for troops and supplies going to Europe. As one of the primary naval bases on the Atlantic Coast, it needed workers. Norfolk Shipbuilding and Drydock, Texas Oil, and British-American Tobacco, among others, sought dock workers and laborers to help them manufacture and ship materials.
The chance to make more money and improve one’s circumstances was a strong draw. African American workers hoped in the process to gain access to jobs in well-established companies that might stretch out into the future. For some this move met their expectations and they settled into their new lives for the long term, but for others this proved to be only a temporary stop. Whatever those residents found in these cities did not provide enough incentive to stay. A number of issues impacted the decision whether to stay or to go.
Along with increased wages, migrants hoped to find better living conditions in their new locations. They were frequently disappointed. African American sections of southern cities suffered from poorly maintained roads, dilapidated housing, poor sanitation, and subpar educational facilities. A 1927 report on housing for African Americans in Richmond described conditions as horrible. African American residents of Norfolk also complained to city officials about lack of streetlights, sewers, and paved streets. Parents further complained about a dearth of decent playgrounds for their children. They were frustrated by the modern facilities built in white neighborhoods while their facilities steadily deteriorated.
While some residents chose to protest to city officials, others decided to seek a new life elsewhere. For them the offer of better wages was just one of many factors that drew them north. Better educational opportunities and greater personal freedom also proved enticing. These factors made potential migrants more open to the encouragement of relatives, friends, and others in the North who suggested they relocate.
Individuals who decided to go north got their information about the opportunities there through a variety of sources. Many companies sent labor recruiters south to let workers know about available opportunities. Early in the war the Pennsylvania Railroad sent labor recruiters south to find people to work for them and other companies. Recruiters were often sent to areas where they had family or friends who trusted them and might be ready to relocate. The naval yards on Hog Island in Philadelphia also actively advertised for workers. They offered wages that were significantly higher than black workers could earn in Virginia. The more than three dollars a day available in Philadelphia was a significant improvement over the less than one dollar a day made by the average farm laborer.
African American newspapers also served as sources of encouragement. The Chicago Defender, run by Robert S. Abbott, circulated widely throughout the nation and actively encouraged migration. It offered editorials and stories extolling the virtues of life in the North, and also included advertisements from northern companies highlighting their need for workers and noting the high wages they paid. The Pittsburgh Courier played a similar role in that city. In Virginia the Richmond Planet, operated by John Mitchell, strongly supported migration. Mitchell, who once was threatened with lynching, actively campaigned against it and also led a turn-of-the-century boycott of Richmond’s streetcars. As a staunch opponent of segregation, he counseled African Americans to consider leaving rather than submit to mistreatment.
W. E. B. DuBois’s The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study
A chart breaks down the birthplaces of African American residents in Philadelphia's predominantly black Seventh Ward at the turn of the twentieth century. The largest number of residents were born in the city (2,939); the next largest group were born in Virginia (1,951). These findings were published in W. E. B. DuBois's The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study (1899), a sociological examination of the local African American population commissioned by the University of Pennsylvania.
A detail of the book spine of The Philadelphia Negro: A Social Study by W. E. B. DuBois (1899) features a broken chain. The book documents African American life in Philadelphia at the turn of the twentieth century.
Letters sent home offered one avenue of updates about jobs, wages, and living conditions. Even better was the direct exchange of information when individuals either traveled to Philadelphia to visit or when visitors came south for special occasions. African American newspapers like the Norfolk Journal and Guide carried regular reports of these travels, illustrating a constant stream of people traveling between Norfolk and various locations in the North. The visits insured a consistent flow of information between southern residents and people they knew living in the North. This connection enabled Virginia residents to make informed decisions about where to go and the best times to leave if they hoped to optimize their chances of finding work.
Consequently, migrants rarely left on a whim or a sudden impulse. Instead the process of leaving often was a meticulously planned event. While some northern companies might provide train tickets to their cities, this was not the norm. Most migrants had to accumulate the capital to afford to move themselves and/or their family members north. This might take weeks or months to accomplish. Men with families frequently traveled north first, obtained a job, and then saved enough to locate housing for their families before bringing them north to live. Knowledge obtained in advance from family and friends in northern cities made this process less random and increased chances of success. Quite often these contacts provided temporary housing or introductions at places of work for people they knew. Indeed, in many cities sizeable enclaves of people from one state or community developed. They became safe and familiar havens for newcomers migrating north. Chicago attracted many migrants from Mississippi and there were groupings of people from specific towns in that state. In Philadelphia the years of migration from Virginia created a strong presence of African Americans from that state who aided their fellow Virginians.
Having family or friends to assist newcomers did not insure the success of the move. Migrants found a very different world in the North. While overall salaries were higher, migrants often were unable to get the higher-paying or more-skilled jobs. They primarily wound up in lower-paying positions as common laborers, stevedores, janitors, or warehousemen. Women most often worked as cooks, maids, and laundresses. Housing frequently was crowded with minimal sanitary conditions and the cost of living often was higher. It was not unusual for a family to live in a one- or two-room apartment or to share living accommodations with others. Predominantly African American enclaves like Harlem in New York, the South Side in Chicago, and the Seventh Ward in Philadelphia emerged as a consequence of the arrival of these waves of migrants.
Photographs from The Negro in Chicago: The Study of Race Relations and a Race Riot (1922)
A crowd of blacks and whites leaves the Lake Michigan beachfront at Twenty-ninth Street in Chicago on the afternoon of July 27, 1919, after a seventeen-year-old African American, Eugene Williams, was attacked with stones while swimming in a section of the beach usually reserved for whites. Williams drowned and a policeman on the scene refused to arrest the white man accused of throwing the stone that allegedly caused Williams's death; instead, he arrested an African American man. A riot ensued, lasting until August 2, 1919, and resulting in the deaths of thirty-eight people. This image serves as the frontispiece for The Negro in Chicago: The Study of Race Relations and a Race Riot (1922), a book produced by the Chicago Commission on Race Relations.
A series of photographs shows a white mob chasing an African American man to his home where the white men stone him to death. By the time the police arrive, bottom right, the man is dead. This event took place during the race riots in Chicago that lasted from July 27 to August 2, 1919. This spread of photographs is included in The Negro in Chicago: The Study of Race Relations and a Race Riot (1922), a book produced by the Chicago Commission on Race Relations.
While armed policemen stand guard—and, at bottom, white children look on—members of an African American family remove the furnishings from their home after it was badly damaged during the race riots that took place in Chicago from July 27 until August 2, 1919. These images are included in The Negro in Chicago: The Study of Race Relations and a Race Riot (1922), a book produced by the Chicago Commission on Race Relations.
At top, the police escort African Americans out of the Chicago neighborhood of Forty-eighth Street and Wentworth Avenue for their safety during the race riots in the area between July 27 and August 2, 1919. At bottom, white policemen at their station house search African American men for weapons. These images are from The Negro in Chicago: The Study of Race Relations and a Race Riot (1922), a book produced by the Chicago Commission on Race Relations.
Jim Crow Practices in the South
A train conductor in Saint Augustine, Florida, signals from a coach and indicates the location of the "Jim Crow" section of the train where African American passengers were required to sit. This image, made by the African American photographer Gordon Parks in January 1943, is part of the Farm Security Administration/Office of War Information Photograph Collection at the Library of Congress.
This photograph, taken in September 1943, shows a sign at a bus station in Rome, Georgia, that directs African American travelers to a "colored" waiting room. Jim Crow laws in the South mandated segregated public transportation. Photojournalist Esther Bubley took photographs of a Greyhound bus trip from Louisville, Kentucky, to Memphis, Tennessee, in the autumn of 1943. This image is part of the Farm Security Administration/Office of War Information Photograph Collection at the Library of Congress.
A photograph taken in May 1940 shows the Farmers Cafe near the tobacco market in Durham, North Carolina. The segregated restaurant has separate entrances for its black and white customers. This image by Jack Delano is part of the Farm Security Administration/Office of War Information Photograph Collection at the Library of Congress.
An African American man ascends the stairway to the black entrance of a segregated movie theater in Belzoni, Mississippi. A "White Men Only" restroom can be seen on the ground level of the building. This photograph, by Marion Post Wolcott, was probably made in October 1939, and is part of the Farm Security Administration/Office of War Information Photograph Collection at the Library of Congress.
The Great Migration fueled an important shift in the demographic center and the role of African Americans in the United States. This shift to northern cities continued beyond 1930, with a larger surge in the years after World War II (1939–1945). As a result, by 1970 Africans Americans had transformed from a rural and southern population to an urban and northern one. In addition, they adopted a more aggressive stance toward racial discrimination, which fueled growing civil rights activism. As participants in this movement, Virginians relocated to Pittsburgh, Philadelphia, New York, and other cities mainly on the Atlantic seaboard. They helped transform these cities and, eventually, the way the nation thought about race and equality.