Arrival

Sometime in 1619, the Portuguese slave ship São João Bautista left the port city of São Paulo de Loanda in Portugal's West Central African colony of Angola and sailed for Vera Cruz, New Spain (present-day Mexico). The captain, Manuel Mendes da Cunha, carried with him 350 African slaves, 200 of whom were part of an asiento, or contract, with a slave dealer in Seville. When da Cunha arrived at Vera Cruz on August 30, however, he delivered only 147 slaves, including, according to Spanish records, twenty-four African boys who he at some point sold in Jamaica. Those same records indicate that da Cunha had been robbed off the coast of Campeche (also in present-day Mexico) by "English corsairs," or privateers.

Those privateers were likely two ships. The White Lion sailed out of the port of Vlissingen (Flushing), Holland, and its captain, John Colyn Jope, bore a Dutch letter of marque, paperwork that allowed him, as a civilian, to attack and plunder Spanish ships. The English Treasurer also sailed out of Flushing and was partly owned by Virginia's deputy governor, Samuel Argall. (In 1612, Argall had sailed the Treasurer on what at the time was the fastest-ever voyage from England to Virginia. In 1616, the ship delivered Pocahontas to England.) Its captain, Daniel Elfrith, also bore a letter of marque, his on the authority of Charles Emmanuel I, duke of Savoy, an independent duchy whose land has since been subsumed by present-day France and Italy. Working as a "consort," the two ships attacked the São João Bautista late in July or early in August 1619 and apparently robbed da Cunha of about 50 of his African slaves. (A large portion of the ship's Africans, perhaps as many as 150, probably died during the Atlantic crossing.)

The White Lion and the Treasurer immediately set sail for Virginia, where they hoped to sell their cargo. According to a letter written by the colony's secretary, John Rolfe, to the Virginia Company of London treasurer, Sir Edwin Sandys, the White Lion arrived first and landed at Point Comfort sometime late in August, having lost its "consort shipp" on the passage from the West Indies. Rolfe mistakenly described the ship as a "Dutch man of Warr," perhaps because it bore a Dutch letter of marque. "He brought not any thing but 20. and odd Negroes," Rolfe wrote, which the governor, Argall's successor Sir George Yeardley, and the cape merchant, Abraham Peirsey, "bought for victualle [food] … at the best and easyest rate they could." Some (or perhaps all) of the Africans were then transported to Jamestown and sold.

The Treasurer arrived at Point Comfort three or four days later carrying between twenty-five and twenty-nine additional slaves. Although he apparently managed to sell some of his slaves, Captain Elfrith found that the residents of Kecoughtan (present-day Hampton) refused to sell supplies to him or his crew, perhaps because port officials knew that his letter of marque from the duke of Savoy was no longer valid. The duke had made peace with Spain, which meant that Captain Elfrith now could be accused of piracy, a legal complication the Virginia merchants may have wanted to avoid. Elfrith might have heard that Governor Yeardley had sent Secretary Rolfe, Lieutenant William Peirce, and a Mr. Ewens (probably William Ewens) to meet the Treasurer, and decided that he had better leave. Whatever the case, he was gone by the time the Virginia men arrived.

Elfrith sailed to the English colony at Bermuda, where, for 50,000 ears of corn, he sold fourteen of his Africans to acting governor Miles Kendall and his successor, Nathaniel Butler. Butler later told a superior that if not for the Africans, he would not have been able "to rayse one pound of Tobacco this year" to generate revenue. He added that "Thes[e] Slaves are the most proper and cheape instruments for this plantation."

Origins

The discovery by the historian Engel Sluiter of Spanish records linking the slaves sold in Virginia to the attack on the São João Bautista discredits earlier theories that the Africans had been bought in the Americas for resale. Instead, following the research of John K. Thornton, Virginia's first Africans may have been enslaved in the kingdom of Kongo, north of Angola; in territory to Angola's east; or in the region south of Angola, across the Kwanza River, where the Portuguese had been buying slaves since late in the sixteenth century. Most likely, though, they were captured from the nearby kingdom of Ndongo, where in 1618 and 1619 the governor of Angola, Luis Mendes de Vasconçelos, fighting alongside a ruthless African mercenary group called the Imbangala, led two campaigns against the kingdom's Kimbundu-speaking people. Thousands were captured and likely provided the cargo for six Portuguese slave ships from Angola that arrived in Vera Cruz between June 18, 1619, and June 21, 1620.

The Ndongo people lived in densely populated cities—in 1564 the city of Angoleme seems to have had 20,000 to 30,000 residents living in 5,000 to 6,000 thatched houses—interspersed with rural areas where farmers tended livestock and raised crops such as millet and sorghum. As such, Ndongos did not fit what Thornton has called "the stereotyped, parochial image of Africans from precolonial villages." They may even have been Christians; many in the kingdom attended Mass conducted by Jesuit priests, and the Portuguese required that all slaves be baptized before they arrived in America.

In the decades that followed, most slaves arriving in Virginia through the Portuguese slave trade were captured not by the Portuguese but by other Africans who sold them to the Europeans at markets. As a result, slaves suffering through the Middle Passage often hailed from different regions and villages, spoke different languages, and abided by different social, political, and religious customs. The Ndongos, by contrast, were captured more or less directly by the Portuguese and shared with one another a complex ethnic identity.

That they also may have been Christians is, perhaps, ironic. A Virginia law, passed in 1670, defined as slaves-for-life all non-Christian servants brought to the colony "by shipping." Such servants were, almost without exception, Africans, suggesting an assumption on the part of lawmakers that Africans were, by definition, non-Christians. The law already precluded freedom through conversion, and in 1682 it expanded its description of slaves-for-life to include all non-Christian servants (in other words, Virginia Indians who were imported into the colony, in addition to Africans). In this way, Christianity served as an early stand-in for racial identification.

In the Colony

Virginia's first muster, or census, was compiled in March 1620, at which time the population included 892 Europeans and, among "Others not Christians in the Service of the English," four Indians and thirty-two Africans. Fifteen of the Africans were male and seventeen were female. Although it is uncertain where the Africans lived, some probably resided at Jamestown in the households of Sir George Yeardley and Captain William Peirce, both of whom later were credited with having black servants.

By 1624, when the next muster was compiled, Virginia's African population had dropped to twenty-one. Some of the Africans probably had succumbed to the so-called seasoning process, whereby summertime diseases killed a majority of new residents during the colony's first few decades. For this reason, Virginia leaders periodically requested that ships carrying new servants arrive during the winter months, as opposed to August, when the White Lion landed. This allowed newcomers time to build up immunity before summer. Research by Darrett B. Rutman and Anita H. Rutman suggests that, even before their arrival in Virginia, the Africans may have been carrying Plasmodium falciparum, a blood parasite that transmits a virulent form of malaria. Their close contact with the European slave traders likely exposed them to other unfamiliar parasites and infectious diseases, and they would have been susceptible to the various agues and fevers common to the Chesapeake Bay region. And those Africans who did not die of disease may have died on March 22, 1622, when Virginia Indians led by Opechancanough attacked European settlements, killing as many as a quarter of the colony's inhabitants.

Some of the twenty-one Africans listed in the 1624 muster had European names, suggesting that they had been baptized. This could have occurred prior to their leaving Africa, while they were in the Caribbean, or after they reached Virginia. Four of the eleven Africans living at Flowerdew Hundred—a plantation on the upper reaches of the James River that leading merchant Abraham Peirsey had purchased from Governor Yeardley—were identified by name: Anthony, William, John, and another Anthony. Three Africans resided at Jamestown, but only one was listed by name: a woman named Angelo belonging to William Peirce. An African named Edward lived in the Neck O'Land, the mainland behind Jamestown, and was part of the household headed by Richard Kingsmill, guardian of the late Reverend Richard Bucke's children. Peter, Antonio, Frances, and Margaret resided on the lower side of the James River at the PuritanEdward Bennett's plantation near the former Indian town of Warraskoyack, while Anthony and Isabella were members of Captain William Tucker's household in Elizabeth City (formerly Kecoughtan). One African was listed among the dead at West and Shirley Hundred, in the corporation of Charles City.

The 1625 muster listed twenty-three Africans and a single Indian, all servants, who resided on plantations scattered from the mouth of the James to Flowerdew Hundred. As servants, they probably lived in houses separate from their European masters. And while the 1625 muster included, for most Europeans, the year in which they arrived and the ship on which they came, little such information was provided for Africans. Three male and five female Africans lived in Yeardley's household at Jamestown; at Flowerdew Hundred, there were four African men, two women, and a child. An African man named John Pedro lived in the household of Francis West, of Elizabeth City, and the same Edward from 1624 still lived with Richard Kingsmill at Neck O'Land. Captain Peirce's female African, Angelo, was said to have come to Virginia on the Treasurer in 1619. By 1625, Captain Tucker's Anthony and Isabella, in Elizabeth City, had produced a son, William; all three had been baptized.

Among the African slaves owned by the Bennett family in 1625 was Antonio (also listed in 1624), who had arrived on the James in 1621. In March 1622, he was one of just a handful of people who managed to survive Opechancanough's attack on the plantation, and he eventually gained his freedom. At some point, Antonio wed a woman named Mary, who had come to Virginia in 1622 on the Margaret and John, and the two lived as Anthony and Mary Johnson in Northampton County on the Eastern Shore. There, they raised four children and by the 1650s owned 250 acres of land. Their two sons owned adjoining farms of 450 and 100 acres each before the whole family moved to Maryland, in the 1660s. Anthony Johnson's grandson, John Johnson Jr., purchased a 44-acre farm there in 1677 and named it Angola.

Other Africans began to turn up in Virginia court records. On September 19, 1625, for instance, the General Court ordered Captain Nathaniel Bass to provide clothing for an African man named Brass (or Brase), who had come to Virginia with a Captain Jones and been sold to Captain Bass. The same decision awarded temporary custody of Brass to Lady Temperance Flowerdew Yeardley, the wife of Sir George Yeardley and a resident of Jamestown, who was then ordered to pay forty pounds of good tobacco per month for his labor "so long as he remayneth with her." It was a decision that both distinguished between African servitude and slavery, and put a price on the labor of an African male. On October 3, the court ruled again, this time transferring Brass to the custody of Governor Francis Wyatt and voiding the original sale Captain Jones had made to Captain Bass.

By 1628, the African population in Virginia jumped dramatically when the ship Fortune, out of Massachusetts Bay, captured a Spanish slaver carrying about 100 Angolans, whom the captain sold in Virginia for tobacco. A muster planned for 1629 either did not take place or the records did not survive.

Contributions

Many of the Africans brought to Virginia during the seventeenth century, like the urban dwellers of Ndongo, had led lives far from the fields and of some social distinction. Others, however, carried with them a specialized knowledge of agriculture and of tobacco production in particular. The Portuguese had introduced the crop to West and West Central Africa during the 1500s. Africans readily took to the habit of smoking and, over time, the practice gradually spread. In 1607, an English visitor to Sierra Leone noticed that it was planted near most of the houses. In 1620, another Englishman encountered people near the Gambia River who offered to trade tobacco and pipes for English goods. In Senegambia, women often raised tobacco in small family plots, while men typically grew large plots intended for trade. Tobacco was planted on the floodplain, after the corn harvest, and Africans knew that its characteristics depended on the soil in which it grew.

The Africans' method of tilling the ground also readily transferred to Virginia. In West Africa, farmers practiced the same hoe-and-hill method of growing corn and tobacco that the early colonists had learned from the Indians. John Barbot, traveling in West Africa about 1680, noted that "two [African] men will dig as much land in a day, as one plow can turn over in England." Although tobacco and corn were not staple crops in West Africa, most African immigrants knew how to raise them. Their knowledge and skill would have been invaluable to Tidewater planters.

Many of northern Senegambia's inhabitants were nomads who tended wandering herds of foraging livestock, usually cattle, sheep, and goats. Farther south, where rain was more abundant, settled people raised poultry and grew peas, beans, peanuts, rice, millet, sweet potatoes, cotton, and indigo. Others worked as fishermen, potters, weavers, blacksmiths, and leather-dressers, all skills that Virginia's first Africans contributed, against their will, to the colony.